Mankind has been fighting against nature since its evolution. But the motive has changed over time. Initially, the fight was to fulfill basic requirements like food, shelter, and clothes; now, the same has changed to taming it primarily with technology to establish authority by today’s powerful nations. A few examples are cited here.

Land reclamation in the emirate of Dubai has made it one of the most famous areas in the world through its augmentation of Palm Islands, World Islands, Dubai Marina, and Burj Al Arab. Countries like South Korea, the USA, and Japan have also reclaimed significant land from nature. We have not only taken back land from oceans and seas but also carved hills worldwide through blasting or tunneling for various purposes like residential, tourism, communication, or power generation.

Underground cities have been built to combat extreme weather because they allow activities comfortably throughout the year irrespective of the weather. Australia (Sydney), Canada (Montreal, Toronto), China (Beijing, Guangzhou) are some such examples.

In the recently concluded FIFA World Cup 2022, Qatar maintained temperatures at about 68°F inside the stadium, irrespective of conditions outside. The technology, developed by Qatar University, cools air and distributes it via grills in the stands and through pitch-side nozzles. Using the air circulation technique, warm air is drawn back, re-cooled, purified, and pushed out where needed.

Cloud seeding is a type of weather modification that aims to change the amount or type of precipitation that falls from clouds by dispersing substances into the air. The usual objective is to increase or prevent precipitation (rain or snow) depending on the situation. Since 2021, the UAE has used drones with sensors and a payload of electric-charge emission instruments that fly at low altitudes and deliver the electric charge to air molecules. This new technology produced a significant rainstorm in July 2021.

China became the first nation to host the Winter Olympics 2022 using artificial snow. China used ‘snow cannons’ that spray ice particles and a thin mist of water vapor sixty meters above the ground, where these particles combine to become snow and then fall. On 13 October, 2022, the US announced a five-year research plan to artificially modify the Earth’s climate. This will use geoengineering to manage solar radiation by spraying fine aerosols into the atmosphere to reflect sunlight away from the Earth. It is contemplated that the Earth will have less heat once sunrays are reflected.

Back home, Joshimath, Uttarakhand has been hit by a geological phenomenon known as land subsidence. Joshimath is in a tectonically active seismic zone and the landslide debris on which the city was established has a low bearing capacity. Increased construction, hydroelectric projects, and widening the National Highway have made the slopes highly unstable in the last couple of decades.

Mankind had not stopped its aggressive stance on land; aquatic pollution has already started affecting the flora and fauna. According to the United Nations, over 800 species worldwide are affected by marine debris, 80% of which is plastic. It is estimated that up to 13 million tonnes of plastic get added to the ocean each year. Fish, seabirds, sea turtles, and marine mammals get entangled in or ingest plastic debris, causing suffocation, starvation, and drowning. As humans, we are not immune too. Plastics may take up to hundreds of years to fully decompose; but some break down much quicker into tiny particles, ending up in the seafood we eat.

After polluting the ‘jal’ and ‘sthal’, the latest casualty seems to be the ‘antariksh’ (space). Topping the list is the competition between developed countries to send satellites, rockets without caring a bit for the accumulation of debris or taking the onus of clearing the same. As the fallout of all the rockets we’ve launched over the years, orbiting our planet are 2000 active satellites, 3000 dead ones, along with 34000 pieces of space junk bigger than 10 cm in size and millions of smaller pieces that can cause disasters if they hit something else. Although most debris burns up in the atmosphere causing atmospheric pollution, larger debris can reach the ground intact. According to NASA, on average, one piece of debris has fallen back to Earth daily for the past 50 years. Despite their size, luckily, there has been no significant damage from such debris. However, when and how the same will hit us is completely unknown.

But, do we really believe we can colonise Mars? To tame Mars, are we not alienating Mother Earth?

At the COP26 in Glasgow some time back, several businesses, apart from governments, pledged to go carbon-free, setting ambitious deadlines for themselves. Essentially, it meant that these establishments would reduce emissions or balance new emissions by using natural carbon sinks like forests and oceans to absorb them. Indian firms are increasingly embracing environmentally conscious practices to pursue sustainable growth and net-zero carbon emissions.

Let us strive to make technology the solution and not the problem!

Bhaskar Basu is a Professor in Xavier Institute of Management-XIM University, Bhubaneswar. Subhasis Ray is a management consultant and a faculty member at IISWBM, Calcutta.

The question of moving away from established “mainstream” history has been gaining traction in recent years. A spate of successful best-selling books on overlooked figures like Subhash Bose, Vallabhai Patel, Bhagat Singh, and Savarkar testify to a desire among the masses to explore the alternative revolutionary movement of the Independence movement. Though these historical figures are often popular names, their names and ideas barely feature in established textbooks. Vikram Sampath first joined the chorus of these “new” historians through his well-researched albeit sympathetic biography of Savarkar. In his new book “Bravehearts of Bharat,” he wades into farther uncharted territory. Chronicling the lives of 15 “bravehearts”, Sampath seeks to subvert the perception of mainstream history as a “long litany of failures”.

Indian historiography’s other glaring loophole, Sampath points out in the introduction, is its focus on Delhi. Thus, the Ahoms of Assam, the Karkotas of Kashmir and the Vijayanagara Empire are reduced to being “regional” history while the relatively smaller (and briefer) Delhi Sultanate is treated as “national history”. The absence of women in our collective narrative of valour is sought to be redressed in the book by its inclusion of eight notable women among its fifteen protagonists.

As one reads the narratives in the book, the difficulty in constructing even a brief episode comes to light. For many “bravehearts” included in the book, the written record is scarce. Thus, in many instances, Sampath does not shy away from using oral narratives as a supplement to the written record. There is enough material in this book for the reader to have an “aha” movement, especially if they are ignorant of the figures mentioned. We learn of the navigational genius of the Cholas, the bravery of Rani Naiki Devi against the ferocious Muhammad Ghori, the attempt to reform the birth based social-order by Rudrama Devi, and the courage of Begum Hazrat Mahal during the 1857 rebellion which was later eloquently praised by Savarkar.

What is lacking in the book, however, is a shared narrative. Had Sampath been content to only tell us stories of brave warriors of India, this book might have been just fine. For Sampath, these heroes are not just “bravehearts”, they are civilizational heroes. Ahilya Bai is praised for ushering in a “civilizational renaissance” through the construction of temples. Nevertheless, we never get a clear answer as to the common values or common historical civilization that they defended. How does one decide who is to be included and who is to be excluded? Many of the warriors in the book fought against Mughal emperors. It is safe to assume, then, that the Mughals are not part of the civilization that Sampath is referring to. If the Mughals are excluded on the basis of their foreign origins or religious allegiance, then what makes Begum Hazrat Mahal a “civilizational warrior”? If it’s the values that really matter, then those values and philosophy are never adequately defended or elaborated upon at any length in this book.

For the sake of smooth narrative, historical nuances are often skimmed over in this book. The most glaring instance of this is Sampath’s account of the invasion of Sindh in the first chapter. It’s based largely on the 13th century text “The Chachnama”. This text is not intended to be a historical narrative and as such exaggerates and fabricates many events for literary and romantic value. According to Sampath’s narrative, Muhammad Bin Qasim died after the daughters of Raja Dahir convinced the Caliph that Qasim had “used” them before sending them off to the Caliph’s harem. Enraged, the Caliph orders Qasim to be arrested and sent to Baghdad in a leather box which results in his death from suffocation. The daughters of Dahir confess their lie which results in them being buried alive as “true warriors”. This narrative is taken from The Chachnama and is of dubious authenticity.

According to the 9th century historian Al-Baladhuri, Qasim was killed due to family feud. Sampath is aware of this but never mentions it in the main text, instead referring to it briefly in the notes. According to most historians, it’s the older account of Al-Baladhuri that’s likely to be more authentic. We never get a reason as to why Sampath preferred the romantic version over the more reliable and older version. This is particularly surprising since Sampath’s more rigorous two-volume biography of Savarkar leads one to expect this work to be just as historically rigorous, if not unsympathetic.

Nevertheless, the book still serves as a good introductory work to these figures who are largely unknown outside of their own region.

The author is a writer and a student at Jindal School of International Affairs.

The question of ideology in Indian politics has been debated and dismissed for a long time. Writing for the New York Times, the American political pundit Anand Giridharadas dismisses Indian elections as one being without “ideology, larger-than-life leaders, causes or principles.” The flaw in the first part of Giridharadas’ argument is instantly recognisable to anyone with even a rudimentary awareness of Indian politics. The popularity of leaders like J Jayalalithaa, MG Ramachandran, NT Rama Rao and arguably even Jawaharlal Nehru has been at least in part due to their perception of being larger-than-life personalities. The question of ideology, on the other hand, is much more complex.

India has witnessed unlikely coalitions among the socialists and the Hindu nationalists during the emergency to rout Indira Gandhi in the immediate aftermath of Emergency. Similarly, the Communist Party of India (CPI) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) both provided outside support to the National Front government under VP Singh. In recent years, the unlikely alliance between the Congress and the Hindu nationalist Shiv Sena in Maharashtra further bolsters the argument for the irrelevancy of ideology in Indian politics.

These factors, however, cannot be taken as clinching proof of the non-ideological nature of Indian politics. There have always been individuals in Indian political parties who haven’t necessarily adhered to the broader political ideology of their own party. The socialist leader George Fernandes is a notable example. This is not unique to Indian politics. Within the socially conservative Republican Party in the United States, there have been factions like the Log Cabin Republicans who have stood up for LGBT rights. This does not change the fact that the Republican Party has historically largely adhered to socially conservative policies.

The political scientists Rahul Verma and Pradeep Chibber identify two primary ideological divisions that have remained stable i.e. the politics of recognition and the politics of statism. Politics of recognition refers to whether everyone should be treated equally in the eyes of the state or whether some communities deserve preferential status a la reservations due to their backward social or economic status. Politics of statism, on the other hand, concerns whether the state should intervene in redistributing private property and regulating economic activity.
On both these spectrums, ideological adherence has remained stable in the Indian political arena historically. This can be glimpsed through multiple surveys conducted over the years. According to a 1971 survey, political activists belonging to the Congress, Left parties, socialists and regional parties were more likely to support statism (greater control of industries and bank nationalisation) than the political activists of Jana Sangh and the Swatantra Party. The findings remained fairly constant in a 1993 survey. While BJP political activists were less likely to advocate for state control in matters of religion and caste, Congress activists appeared to be situated firmly in the centre. Moreover, 59% of BJP activists were more likely to pray, go to temples and attend religious ceremonies while only 20% were similarly inclined in other political parties.

These findings seem to be in conflict with the popular perception that political leaders switch parties with relative ease. Using state assembly elections database between 1987 and 2007, Francesca Jensenius and Pavithra Suryanarayan have found that there is considerable instability in candidates running for re-election. Nevertheless, while political candidates do run for re-election from other parties, they rarely cross ideological lines. Among the 2,643 BJP MLAs in the dataset, 72% ran for BJP while very few ran from Congress and other regional parties. Of the 1531 MLAs from the Communist Party, very few ran from regional parties while no one ran from BJP and only 4 ran from Congress. Indian voters show remarkable ideological consistency as well. Ideological voters are more likely to make their decision than non-ideological ones motivated by campaign promises. The majority of Indian voters make their decision before the campaign even begins. The proportion of late voters has been steadily and consistently declining in each successive election.

In the immediate aftermath of Independence, the Congress party under Nehru managed to accommodate elements on both the Left and Right side of the statist economic spectrum. The state managed to equate developmental, social progress and equal treatment with greater intervention and regulation. While the state abolished the Zamindari system, it did not redistribute property. Its control of production of goods provided monopolies to a select few industrialists.

Its statist politics were further continued by Indira Gandhi who sought to, at least rhetorically, eradicate poverty. The inability of the Congress to accommodate recognition as the calls of the backward classes grew proved to be a fatal error. While the Hindu nationalists drifted away to the BJP due to its increasing statism, socialist leaders like Karpoori Thakur mobilised the masses for recognition of backward classes. The social coalition of the Congress suffered as the Babri Masjid movement led its Right wing voter base towards the BJP while “the silent revolution” among OBCs ensured its backward class voters drifted to vocal regional parties.

In the aftermath of multiple corruption scandals and inefficiency, the middle class opposing the politics of statism took to streets in the 2011 anti-corruption movement. In contrast, the BJP projected Narendra Modi as a pro-business advocate and efficient administrator. The BJP’s electoral success, while partly a result of polarisation, is largely a consequence of its success in uniting anti-statist middle class voters and its Hindu nationalist core base opposing the politics of recognition. Chibber and Verma term this as the “fourth party system.”

The Indian electorate has rarely been ideologically devoid. On the contrary, the majority of India’s crucial political events can be traced to stable existing ideological divisions. In order to pose a real challenge to the BJP, political parties need to take a clear and explicit position on the politics of statism as well as the politics of recognition.

The author is a writer and student at the Jindal School of International Affairs.

The quest for gender parity originated in the early 20th Century as a labour movement in North America, USSR and Europe. The first feminist wave swept the world, with women demanding the equal right to vote and property rights. In the second wave which started in the 1960s, the focus changed to reproductive rights, domestic violence, and marital rape. This was a response to the obnoxious common law doctrine that a married woman is nothing but a chattel who loses her sexual agency once she enters matrimony. Such a regressive discourse was challenged in the 1960s when Lucy Stone singled out women’s right to control marital intercourse as the core component of equality.

In India, the archaic law in IPC (1860) S375 makes an exception (2) to marital non-consensual intercourse as not being rape above the age of 18. India has been an outlier on this score, as most developed countries recognise non-consensual intercourse with a wife as rape. In India, the legal protection against such forcible sex is provided by the Domestic Violence Act 2005, which offers only civil remedy but no criminal culpability. Noting the serious legal gap, the Varma Commission in 2013 suggested that exceptions to the marital rape clause in IPC should be scrapped. While the Committee’s recommendation on rape, acid attack, and sexual harassment at workplace was acted upon, the government did not bite this bullet on marital rape. Justice Leila Seth, who was a member of the Varma Committee, writes in her book ‘Talking of Justice’: “Mostly men make law and men said it would spoil men.

It enables a wife raped by a drunken husband not to reach out to police.” Her caustic observations have been corroborated by the latest NFHS V report which notes that 70% of women whose husbands got drunk experienced sexual violence as against 23% who were not drunk. Further 90% did not seek help from anyone. Most of the victims suffer from PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder), fear, and severe loss of self-esteem. The Delhi High Court in May 2022 gave a split verdict where Justice Shakdher favoured striking down the exception, while the other judge refused to hold it unconstitutional. The matter is now resting with the Supreme Court, where the judges surprisingly do not find any merit for an urgent hearing, while the government is buying time to formulate its stand. Incidentally, the NFHS V brings out that Assam tops the list in terms of physical violence against women (70.7%), and Kerala and Odisha are outliers with 17.6% and 12.8% respectively. Quite clearly, exception 2 to S375 of IPC violates the right to equality, and right to privacy which is now considered by the Supreme Court as a right to life (Puttaswamy Case: 2018) and a practice derogatory to the dignity of women must be scrapped like several other provisions in IPC like criminalising homosexuality, as relics of an obscurantist, patriarchal and regressive past.

The motto of this year’s women’s day is “DigitALL,” by ensuring that there is gender equity in innovation and technology. As per available data, only 22% of women are in the field of Artificial Intelligence and 44% of men demonstrate gender bias in a workspace. Industry 4.0, which is the buzzword globally, needs proficiency in AI, machine language, robotics & IOT (Internet of Things). Since female labour force participation is low, the major challenge would be how to expose women to the skill sets required to avail of better employment opportunities in AI-based industries. Women are also most vulnerable to economic crises like demonetisation and the recent pandemic as they work mostly in the informal sector. A report from the Niti Aayog brought out how there is a distinct gap in the skill sets required by women workers and the skill that is provided through the Skill India initiative.

The gender bias in skilling is distressing. As India is going to celebrate International Women’s Day, 8 March, it’s high time that it pays greater attention to gender justice. A structural change in the legal framework to criminalise marital rape should not be postponed.

The writer is Professor Emeritus at KIIT University. Views are personal.

If you have even a passing interest in the 2022 FIFA World Cup, please spare a thought for the Qatar national team. They lost their first match 0-2 to Ecuador and their second match 1-3 to Senegal. Whatever the result of their final match against Netherlands, the host country won’t qualify for the knockout stage. Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, the Emir of Qatar, is perhaps realising what the rest of the world already knows: You can buy a lot of things with money, but it’s not easy to buy goals.

FIFA, the governing body of football, is willing to sell a lot of things, but even FIFA has not figured out how to consistently sell goals. However, you can bet that a call was made from a Qatari official to a FIFA official regarding goals.

Sheikh Fatar of Qatar: “Hello, my good friend. I heard you are driving a new Rolls Royce.”

Al Wifa of FIFA: “It is the most beautiful car. A million thanks to whoever gave it to me.”

Fatar: “It’s our little secret. We are very happy to be hosting a World Cup.”

Wifa: “You earned it, my friend. The selection committee was very impressed with your presentation.”

Fatar: “Yes, we presented them well.”

Wifa: “You were very generous. But what can I do for you now?”

Fatar: “Well, I have a small favour to ask. As you know, we have spent more than $200 billion on the World Cup. We have tried to achieve all our goals. We have not only built eight stadiums, we have paid thousands of fans to come to Qatar and help fill the stadiums. We have also hired fans from other countries to cheer for Qatar.”

Wifa: “You could not find enough fans inside Qatar?”

Fatar: “They were more expensive. We also wanted them to look football-crazy.”

Wifa: “So what can I do for you? I am willing to come and cheer for Qatar.”

Fatar: “No, we have enough supporters. But you can help us meet our final goal: to score three goals.”

Wifa: “Three goals?”

Fatar: “Yes, one in every match. We don’t want to go scoreless. That would not look good for us, as the host nation. We have paid our fans to cheer, but we need to give them something to cheer for. I should also mention that the Emir will be attending every Qatar match. The Emir likes to see goals.”

Wifa: “I’m sure the Emir will see goals.”

Fatar: “Not goals ‘against’ Qatar! The Emir has seen plenty of those. The Emir wants to see goals ‘for’ Qatar.”

Wifa: “So what can I do?”

Fatar: “Just get me the bank account numbers of your referees. And tell them that Qatar likes penalties.”

Wifa: “But penalties are awarded only in the penalty area. Do you think your players will be able to get the ball to the penalty area?”

Fatar: “Hmmm … that might be a problem.”

Wifa: “Maybe the refs can help with that, too. They can accidentally kick the ball to the penalty area.”

Fatar: “Brilliant! You are a great friend of Qatar. That’s why I have another favour to ask.”

Wifa: “I am always at your service.”

Fatar: “Can you arrange for some positive media coverage? There is too much talk about human rights abuses in

Qatar. But what about all the humans who are not being abused? Why can’t the media search for them? Are there any journalists we can pay to come to Qatar and write positive stories?”

Wifa: “Give me a day or two. Let me try to find a journalist who is lacking in ethics.”

Fatar: “Ethics? What’s that?”

A group of Ukrainian astronomers recently published a research paper titled, “Unidentified area phenomena I. Observations of events.” They claimed to have spotted numerous UFOs (unidentified flying objects) from observation stations in the capital city of Kyiv and the village of Vinarivka.
“We see them everywhere,” the authors write. “Flights of single, group and squadrons of the ships were detected, moving at speeds from 3 to 15 degrees per second.”

Just a week or so later, on the planet of Serena, many galaxies away, the Minister of Intergalactic Affairs and other leaders gathered in the main chamber of the House of Serenity to hear a report from Ruba Pontuba, a heroic space traveller who had just returned from her third mission to Earth.

Minister: “Welcome back, most respected Ruba.”

Ruba: “Thank you, most honourable minister. I am thrilled to be back. I can’t tell you how much I missed being among civilised
creatures.”

Minister: “Is that so? It was my hope that humans would be quite civilised by now. When you were there last, they were just entering the new millennium.”

Ruba (laughs uncontrollably for five minutes): “New millennium! Ha ha ha! Humans are no more civilised in this new millennium than they were in the old millennium. They still kill each other in great numbers, then refer to lions and tigers as ‘wild animals.’”

Minister: “You mean they haven’t made any progress as a species?”
Ruba: “They’ve made a little progress in science and technology, mostly in using primitive phones that need to be recharged often. They’re also learning to swipe right.”

Minister: “They have a school for thieves?”

Ruba: “No, it’s a way that humans hook up with each other. They look at photos of other people and decide whether to mate with them.”

Minister: “Sounds very primitive. Have they made any progress in peace and love?”

Ruba: “None whatsoever. During my time on Earth, I witnessed hundreds of conflicts, such as Israelis versus Palestinians, Russians versus Ukrainians, Will Smith versus Chris Rock.”

Minister: “But don’t humans want peace?”

Ruba: “Yes, most humans do want peace. They want it so much, they’re willing to fight wars to achieve it.”

Minister: “What about love? Don’t humans love each other?”

Ruba: “Not as much as they love money. Most humans have one main goal in life: to get rich.”

Minister: “But aren’t they like us? Don’t they want to share their fortune with the less fortunate?”

Ruba: “Well, I heard of one human who won the lottery and said, ‘The first thing I’m going to do is sponsor some children in Uganda.’ But it turns out that those were HIS children. He was behind on his child support. Most humans, when they get rich, buy themselves a big house, a fancy car and new teeth. Some get new spouses, too.”

Minister: “So what happens to the poor?”

Ruba: “Many of them struggle to survive. In some countries, they don’t have enough food to eat.”

Minister: “You mean there’s a shortage of food on Earth?”

Ruba: “No, there’s no shortage of food. There’s just a shortage of generosity. Some humans have so much food, they don’t know where to put it. They end up storing it on their hips, thighs and tummies. When I visited New York City, I saw people taking part in an eating contest. They were stuffing hotdogs down their throats, trying to win a contest.”

Minister: “A food-eating contest? That sounds disgusting.”

Ruba: “Yes, but other humans were clapping and cheering. This was a form of entertainment for them.”

Minister: “So humans are killing each other and not sharing their food and wealth. Are they at least trying to save their planet from climate change?”

Ruba: “Yes, some of them are. But others don’t believe in climate change. Just like they don’t believe there’s life on other planets.”

Minister: “Ha ha ha! It’s so easy to look down

Odisha is known for coal. It is the second biggest coal-producing state, and by 2030, it will be the country’s top coal-producing state. So naturally, Odisha’s electricity production is heavily reliant on coal. Presently, more than 90% of electricity comes from coal-based power plants; renewable energy (RE) sources like solar, wind, and biomass play a minimal role.

In 2016, Odisha announced a policy to promote RE in the state. The policy had a modest target of installing 2,750 megawatts (MW) of RE capacity by 2022. But, as of March, 2022, only 617 MW has been installed, which is less than 25% of the target. In comparison, during 2016-2022, the country’s RE capacity more than doubled from 46,580 MW to 109,885 MW. Today, Odisha’s share in the country’s RE capacity is just 0.55%.

But due to low RE installation, Odisha has to buy renewable power from other states to meet its mandatory renewable purchase obligations (RPOs). RPOs are an essential policy tool introduced by the central government to increase the installation of RE in the country. Under this, all states are required to meet a minimum amount of their electricity requirement through RE. Odisha’s RPO target for 2022-23 stands at 14.5%, which is set to increase to 43.33% by 2029-30. So, in 2029-30, close to 45% of electricity demand in Odisha has to be met from renewable sources. Now Odisha has a choice: buy RE from states like Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Tamil Nadu or install 30,000 MW of RE in the state to meet its 2029-30 RPO targets and simultaneously build a vibrant clean energy industry. I believe the choice is obvious: Odisha will gain immensely by installing RE within the state.

I say this because Odisha has the opportunity and obligation to promote RE. The opportunity is that the RE sector can support the next phase of green industrialisation in the state, creating new employment opportunities, as well as boosting economic activity and income in rural communities. The obligation is because Odisha has one of the highest carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions per capita. It is also one of the most climate vulnerable states, with extreme weather events like cyclones, heatwaves, floods and droughts taking a significant toll on the lives, livelihoods and the economy every year. The energy transition is, therefore, crucial for the state.

So far, investments in the state’s RE sector have remained tepid due to many institutional and commercial challenges. This needs to be addressed by the government through innovative policy measures and stronger incentives under the new RE policy, which is set to be released this year.

But before we address the policy challenges, removing a misconception that has pulled down RE development in the state is important. The misconception is that the state doesn’t have RE potential. This misconception has been created because of the poor estimation of RE potential by different agencies. For example, till today, a detailed study on the wind energy potential in Odisha, a coastal state, has not been undertaken. The solar potential has also not been estimated based on thumb rules. Our initial estimation is that Odisha’s RE potential is at least five times what is being projected by the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE).

Take the example of solar power. According to MNRE, Odisha only has 26,000 MW of solar potential. But this estimate has ignored the significant potential of manmade water bodies (where floating solar power can be installed) and large mining wasteland. We estimate that just on water bodies and mining wasteland, 20,000 MW solar plants can be installed. Large RE capacities can also be installed in urban and rural areas through distributed renewable energy plants like rooftop solar plants. Odisha can also prioritise agro-solar farming, given the significant share of mono-cropped agriculture land and fallow land in the state. This will not only increase the state’s RE capacity, it will also enhance income levels for the rural poor. So, low RE potential in Odisha is a myth that needs to be discarded.

As far as policy challenges are concerned, there are many. The foremost is streamlining and building the state’s institutional capacity for RE promotion and adoption. Presently, Orissa Renewable Energy Development Agency, Engineer-in-Chief and Green Energy Development Corporation of Odisha Ltd. have been made nodal agencies for different RE technologies, which often leads to confusion and delays at the implementation stage. A single empowered nodal agency at the forefront of RE promotion in Odisha can help fast-track deployment through proactive measures.

The other aspect is to avoid copying the model being implemented in states like Rajasthan and Gujarat, which are installing ultra-mega solar plants on large tracts of land. Instead, Odisha’s new RE policy should focus on developing smaller plants by making farmers and landowners true partners in RE development. Technologies like agri-solar, rooftop solar, floating solar, pumped hydro stations, and green hydrogen should be prioritised. The policy should also focus on supporting and ensuring RE installations by industries with captive power plants, which also have to meet RPO targets.

At a time when the country is steadily cruising along a green technology pathway with clear targets and roadmaps for renewable energy, storage, hydrogen, electric vehicles, Odisha cannot miss the opportunity to build a new clean energy economy. Overall, Odisha should develop the new RE policy for 2022-30 in such a way that it is recognised as a serious destination for RE investments.

The writer is the President and CEO of International Forum for Environment, Sustainability and Technology (iFOREST), a Delhi-based environmental think tank.

China’s economic slowdown is creating a cause of concern in the entire global scenario. A depreciating demand, a series of new policies, stringent COVID protocols, geopolitical issues, have all contributed to the slowdown.

A slowing China will have a ripple effect across export oriented European and Asian countries. The trade deficit of countries like Germany and South Korea has widened further due to paucity of demand in China. Higher global commodity prices have led to a Chinese import growth rate of 1% on a YOY (Year on Year) basis. When it comes to tech and mechanical goods, the rate is negative by 8% on a YOY basis.

According to the latest data published by the National Statistical Bureau of China, the GDP growth rate in the first quarter on a YOY basis is a meagre 0.4%. This has a cascading effect on the country’s various sectors and the employment situation.

China’s housing and real estate sector contributes almost 1/3rd of the country’s GDP, while 40% of the bank credit goes to this sector itself. Most of the household savings are invested in the real estate sector. The government’s introduction of the ‘Three Red Lines’ policy has put the real estate developers in a spot. Stringent norms were imposed regarding lending by banks to real estate developers. The ‘Evergrande crisis’ was purely due to this policy wherein the developers were left wanting for capital.

One of the reasons for the slowdown is the ‘Zero COVID policy’, wherein many cities are under complete or partial lockdown. This is one of the draconian measures taken by the government to curb the spread of the coronavirus. Cities like Shanghai and Beijing have been impacted the most. The residents were barred from leaving their homes.

Another issue which is eclipsed by other events is the power crisis. There has been substantial scarcity of power in major cities of China. The government is actually rationing power and electricity from industries to households. This has also affected the productivity of factories.

From a geopolitical perspective, the visit of the US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi to Taiwan is seen as an open challenge to China’s territorial jurisdiction. China conducted precision missile strikes in the Taiwan Strait as part of the biggest military action in decades. The probability of a possible frontal confrontation between the two largest economies of the world created tremors across the globe.

China is considered to be the ‘global manufacturing hub’. A slowing China will lead to global slowdown as well as global recession. The crude oil prices have already declined, indicating less production activities. With lesser demand, the cost of metals is expected to go down.

Electronics and automobile sectors will be most impacted by the Taiwan issue. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company manufactures half of all the chips in the world. About 60% of all smartphones use these chips. The global automobile industry is reliant on these chips as well. The recovery of the automobile sector will take a huge jolt if the escalation between the US and China is not resolved quickly.

China is also a dominant player in the pharmaceutical sector. The Zero COVID policy will create supply constraints to the API (Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients) sector. The Indian pharmaceutical industry will be highly impacted by such an outcome.

From a capital market perspective, there will be flight of FIIs (Foreign Institutional Investors) and FPIs (Foreign Portfolio Investors) from emerging markets like India to developed markets like the US. This will further depreciate the local currencies of developing countries and strengthen the USD.

China is India’s second largest trading partner, which contributes to almost 5% of India’s total exports and 15% of India’s total imports. A lot of raw materials used in the telecom, automobile and pharmaceutical sectors come from China. Also, depreciating demand from China will hit Indian exporters badly. All these will spiral into high inflationary pressures.

The flight of FIIs and FPIs weakened the rupee further vis-à-vis the dollar. The investors envision higher volatility in the ensuing days and strive for safety and security. The INR has depreciated by more than 6% in 2022. It has already breached the eighty-mark.

Till now, India has maintained silence over the Taiwan issue. The prevailing scenario provides India a golden opportunity to position itself as a substitute to China. Countries like Australia and Canada have already shifted their focus to New Delhi to meet their raw material requirements. India must leverage this opportunity by augmenting its supply chain. India must enhance its bargaining power in negotiating deals with developed countries.

Global agencies have cut the growth forecast for China due to its ‘zero COVID policy’. Hence New Delhi must engage with its allies and try to fill the space left behind by China. This would help India both in the short as well as the long run.

The writer is an investment banker. Views are personal.

Addressing from the ramparts of the Red Fort on Independence Day, Prime Minister Modi threw light on the Centre’s ‘Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav’, and described the present time as ‘Amrit Kaal’. He had first used the term ‘Amrit Kaal’ during the 75th Independence Day celebrations. Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman had repeatedly referred to the term “Amrit Kaal’ while presenting the Union Budget for the current fiscal.

‘Amrit Kaal’ is a Vedic astrology term that signifies the perfect time or auspicious time to start a new venture. Now, the question creeps in mind: ‘Amrit Kaal’ for whom? Certainly not for the vulnerable sections of society. What type of ‘Amrit Kaal’ is for the poor, the hungry, the homeless, the orphans, and the jobless youth? Is it not preposterous to talk of ‘Amrit Kaal’ when the economy is ravaged by the pandemic, soaring inflation, and increasing privatisation of health, education and other essential services? How can one talk of ‘Amrit Kaal’ when India has the ignominy of being home to the highest number of hungry, homeless and poor people in the world?
Around 27.9% of Indians are multi-dimensionally poor, as per the Multidimensional Poverty Index of the UNDP. According to the report ‘The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2022,’ around 70.5% of Indians were unable to access healthy food, and 16.3% are undernourished. According to the Global Social Mobility Report 2020, in India, it would take seven generations for a member of a poor family to achieve an average income.

The PM in his speech kept talking about the aspirational youth and how they always want to go for more during their lifetime, and don’t want to wait forever for better facilities and resources. But, in the UN’s Sustainability Index report 2021, that assesses the capacity of 180 countries to ensure that their youngsters can survive and thrive, India ranks 77th. The country ranks 131st on the Flourishing Index (flourishing is the geometric mean of surviving and thriving).

The present job scenario is so precarious that youths are not searching for jobs as reflected in the declining labour force participation. According to the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), the unemployment rate in India averaged 8.35% from 2018 until 2022, reaching an all-time high of 23.50% in April 2020 during the pandemic. The Union government, which promised two crore jobs every year back in 2014, has, in fact, heightened the unemployment crisis. Before the pandemic struck, the country’s unemployment rate was 6.1% in 2017-18, a 45-year high, as per the Indian government’s periodic labour force survey (PLFS) data.

The government had in February this year informed the Rajya Sabha that there were an estimated 8.72 lakh vacancies in various Central ministries and departments as of March 1, 2020, in respect of regular civilian employees. However, other sources reveal that at least 30 lakh sanctioned posts under the central government (including those under various bodies and institutions run by the Centre) and an estimated 30 lakh posts under various state governments are lying vacant.

The rush for government jobs continued unabated over the last eight years but less than 1 per cent of applications received were selected. Of the 22.05 crore applications received from 2014-15 to 2021-22, only 7.22 lakh or 0.33% were recommended for appointment in different Central government departments, the government informed the Lok Sabha July 28, 2022.

The Prime Minister hailed ‘Nari Shakti’ and said that respect for women is an important pillar of India’s growth. Stating that women in India face many challenges, he gave a message to the nation to take a pledge to stop disrespecting women or do nothing that lowers the dignity of women. The pungent truth is that in 2018, India was dubbed by the Thomson Reuters Foundation as the world’s most dangerous country for women due to the high risk of sexual violence. The gruesome face of new India is seen when 11 people convicted of rape and murder in the Bilkis Bano case of the 2002 Gujarat riots were released within hours of the PM’s praise of ‘Nari Shakti’. According to the Global Gender Gap Index, at the present speed, India requires around 200 years to close the gender gap.

The present time is ‘Amrit Kaal’ for the rich, the corporates, and the powerful people. The extremely rich and powerful are profiting from the pain and suffering of others. The system is so rigged that whether it be the COVID recession or post-COVID inflation, the rich gain and the poor lose. Rich, corporates are benefiting from the negative real interest rate, lower corporate tax and manipulation of the stock market. The corporate profit to GDP ratio hit a 10-year high of 2.63% in 2020-21. In 2021-22, the cumulative profits of top 500 companies as a percentage of the country’s GDP hit an 11-year high of 4.3%.

According to Oxfam India’s ‘Inequality Kills’ report, during the pandemic when more than 4.6 crore Indians are estimated to have fallen into extreme poverty, 84% families experienced a decline in income, and the number of Indian billionaires grew from 102 to 143 and their wealth increased from `23.14 lakh crore to `53.16 lakh crore. According to Credit Suisse’s 12th Wealth Report, in India, the richest 1% have 33% of the country’s total wealth.
The true measure of any society can be found in how it treats its most vulnerable sections. The present ruling class ignores the poor and the downtrodden while catering to the interests of the rich and the powerful.

The writer is an Odisha-based economist and columnist. Views are personal.

What comes to our mind when we think of Adivasi women? For most of us they are dark-skinned, decrepit and exotic; they live in the jungles and work relentlessly in the fields. The very renowned German historian-cum-philosopher Oswald Spengler once said: “The linear view of history is intellectually dead.” There are barely a handful of texts describing tribal women’s participation in India’s freedom struggle. To analyse the role and participation of women from its onset till recently through a gendered prism is something that is yet to manifest in the paradigm of literary research. The acknowledgement of the struggles of tribal women in mainstream discourse is the need of the hour. It is important that their struggles and their moments of unconditional bravery should be made a part of our collective memories.

The Santhal Hool (revolt) which started in the year 1855 began as a form of protest against the draconian revenue system of the East India Company. There is a lot of literature about both Sidhu and Kanhu Murmu who spearheaded the movement but we would hardly find any history of Tilka Murmu who got killed during this rebellion. It is surprising to observe that there has barely been anything which narrates the huge participation of tribal women during the Santhal rebellion.

It is important to note that most of the tribal revolutions that emerged during the British Raj were related to the agenda of exploitation and displacement. In fact, we find women leaders outnumbered their male counterparts in some of the most crucial movements during that time. Birsha Munda, during 1895 gave a clarion call for revolution and a large number of women participated in the movement. And one of the most significant contributions of that time was made by Sali, another Adivasi woman. Sali was the most trusted fighter who led the movement with Birsa Munda and fought valiantly against the British. The women fighters used to attach archer tabs around their stomach to disguise themselves as pregnant to smuggle the weapons.

It seems history has been too unkind to record evenly the legacy of the undying spirit of the true patriot, Gurubari Jani. She and her associates came to Puri district of Odisha with a mission to get trained in the art of delivering speeches, organising constructive programmes and martial arts events to fight against the atrocities of the British. Her husband Raidhar Jani accompanied her during her one year and two months training. Once Gurubari Jani’s house was gheraoed by the police as Raidhar remained absconding, busy organising freedom fighters in different regions of Odisha. Having known that the police were marching towards his house he climbed upon a massively branched tree standing on the courtyard of his house. Police failed to trace him and subsequently got vindictive and started intimidating Gurubari Jani. She was mercilessly dragged by the police and stripped half-naked. And that’s not the end; she then was forced and threatened to share about her husband’s whereabouts otherwise she would be put to death and her breasts would be mutilated.

Mungari Oraon, from Oraon tribe is the first Adivasi martyr of Assam. During the 1930s she used to work as a domestic help in the house of a British official. Subsequently, she acted as a spy and started passing confidential information to the Indian National Congress. Mungari got caught amid her secret operation and was killed by her owner. As the Congress was predominantly run by the upper-caste Hindu there were allegations that the tea tribe community was not encouraged enough to participate in the freedom movement. In spite of all these constraints they participated massively.

There were then the Pahariya mutiny in Chota Nagpur region in 1778, the Tanti mutiny in 1786, the Tamar mutiny in 1789, the Sardar mutiny in 1830 which witnessed how the Adivasi women in the frontline fought against colonial rule.

The true meaning of ‘Azadi Ka Amrit Mahostav’ can be justified when our nation acknowledges the legacy of these unsung indigenous heroines who sacrificed their lives to free the country from the British.

The writer is Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi.

The question about how a woman who is elected to the post of President should be addressed in Hindi first came to the fore when Pratibha Patil became the first woman to occupy the highest constitutional post in India in 2007. There were debates about whether she should be addressed as ‘Rashtrapati’ or ‘Rasthrapatni’, but that debate did not invite the amount of uproar that was caused recently when Adhir Ranjan Choudhary, the Leader of Opposition in the Lower House addressed President Droupadi Murmu as ‘Rasthrapatni’. Unleashing a scathing attack on Choudhary, the ruling BJP demanded an apology from the Congress party for insulting President Murmu which led to huge drama both inside and outside the Parliament. Though Choudhary apologized for his remark citing his poor Hindi, the issue has sparked a much necessary debate that concerns the gendered nature of our language.

The controversy that emerged around Chaudhary’s remark can only be understood if we look into what the two words ‘pati’ and ‘patni’ mean and what meanings are attributed when both these words are suffixed with Rashtra (nation). The Hindi word Rashtrapati is used as a translation of the English word ‘President’ which is generally used to refer to the presiding head of a group and is a gender-neutral term, but its Hindi translation as ‘Rashtrapati’ is not neutral, because of the suffix ‘pati’.

Etymologically the Hindi word ‘pati’ is part of the Indo-European language family where it usually means ‘lord’ or ‘master’. When used as a suffix it usually means ‘lord of…’. For e.g. the Sanskrit word for a married householder is ‘Grahapati’ which means lord of the household. Similarly, ‘Senapati’ means the commander of the army; ‘Ganapati’ means lord of the tribe; ‘Chhatrapati’ means the lord of kings. Such examples can only be multiplied to show the power relation that the word ‘pati’ denotes. In our everyday usage, the word ‘pati’ generally means husband but again the inherent patriarchal power relation is reflected through compound words like ‘pati-dev’ or ‘pati-parmeshwar’, which refer to the husband as lord or god for the wife.

In contrast to pati, the word ‘patni’, which is used for ‘wife’, has no such meaning. It is a relational term unlike ‘pati’ which is an independent term and is used only for a married woman. It is simply a female derivative of pati and therefore has an inherent sexual connotation and meaning attached to it. ‘Patni’ is merely a sexual partner of a man, moreover, there is no counterpart to Hindi words like ‘pati-dev’, or ‘pati-parmeshwar’ in any Indian vernacular for a married woman, which only shows the power differential between pati and patni in Indian society. And herein lies the root of the recent Rasthrapatni row.

The word ‘Rashtrapati’ is a combination of two Hindi words, ‘Rashtra’ and ‘Pati’. When used as a translation for the English word President, it is usually understood to mean ‘leader of the republic’ and not ‘husband of the nation’. And this meaning is in perfect congruence with other such words that have the suffix pati. But when the word ‘patni’ is suffixed with the word ‘Rashtra’ to produce the compound ‘Rasthrapatni’, the meaning takes a sexual connotation to mean ‘wife of the nation’, which again is just a reflection of how the word ‘patni’ is entrenched in the Indian mindscape, that is, as a ‘sexual being’ and ‘wife’.

In an article titled ‘Language and Woman’s Place (1972), Robert Bakoff for the first time explored the relationship between language and gender and argued that “women generally use linguistic forms which are lower/subordinate to that of men with the use of tag questions (isn’t it?, am I?), questioning expressions or mitigators (sort of, I think)”.

According to a study by Francesca Di Garbo, Bruno Olsson, and Bernhard Wälchli titled ‘Grammatical gender and linguistic complexity’ (2011) about 75 per cent of the world’s languages propagate sexism where one finds abundant use of male pronouns, and Hindi is no exception. In our everyday lives, we very often ignore the use of ‘heavily’ gendered terms in our conversations. When we use English words like ‘policeman’, ‘fireman’, ‘chairman’, and ‘salesman’, we skip the very fact of gender biases.

As to why this sexism prevails in our everyday language, we need to look at the sources of our vocabulary formation like dictionaries, newspapers, or journals where editors are mostly men across the globe who probably don’t understand the inference of using a particular language in a specific way. Hence, we can say the persistence of gendered language is managed by the overall structure itself.

In fact, it is a common practice among all political parties to use the word ‘adhyaksh’ while referring to their national as well as state presidents. Therefore, there stands no reason why the word ‘Rashtrapati’ should not be replaced with ‘Rashtra-adhyaksh’ or with another term ‘pradhan’ which was used to refer to the ‘president’ in the draft Hindi version of the Indian Constitution, making the nomenclature of the highest constitutional position gender neutral.

The ‘Rasthrapatni’ row, though an outcome of odd political rationality, has presented us with an opportunity to reflect upon the patriarchal roots of certain popular Hindi terminologies like

udhyogpati (industrialist), sabhapati (chairperson/man), lakhpati and crorepati in order to create gender-neutral terms for them.

The writer is Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi. Views are personal.

The best of literature is often hidden away in regional languages. It is by sheer luck that sometimes we get a glimpse into a hitherto unexplored territory, thanks to the hard work of translators in making it accessible. Widely considered to be the best novel to have come out of Bangladesh, Akhtaruzzaman Elias’ epic “Khwabnama” is a radical feat. Though Elias is relatively unheard of outside Bengal, his talents were rightly appreciated by the legendary writer Mahasweta Devi, who once remarked that she’d consider herself blessed if she achieves a fraction of Elias’ quality in her writings.

Khwabnama is an intensely political novel yet it concerns itself less with a cry for revolution or great men and more with the lives of the subaltern. In most critical assessments of Elias’ work, there is a tendency by critics to analyse it through a Marxist lens owing to his explicit progressive inclinations. While this is helpful, it is insufficient. Khwabnama chronicles the lives of peasants during a time of turbulent political atmosphere but the central political movement in the book is the agitation for Pakistan. The Tebhaga movement, on the other hand, is always lurking in background. The absence of its presence i.e. its trace (only partly in the Derridean sense) is strongly felt consciously. A better way to read this text politically, then, is as an examination of what went wrong.
For Elias, the human element takes precedence.

He does not merely detail the hardships that the peasants go through. On the other hand, we are given a complete and exquisitely detailed portrait of life in rural pre-partition Bengal. Elias was certainly acquainted with cosmopolitanism and his stream-of-consciousness writing style along with the somewhat non-linear narrative shows the influence of writers like Borges and Gunter Grass. Yet, his magical realism is distinctively original. We come across wandering fakirs singing songs (puthishlokas), interpreting dreams and ghosts of ancestors interacting with their relatives. Urban legends of the real-life anti-colonial figure Bhabani Pathak and his general Munshi remain alive and occupy a crucial role throughout the book and the lives of the characters. Unlike many classic works of magical realism, there is no division between the real world and the world of dreams. Neither is there any element of revelation or surprise. This is an ingenious way of transporting the reader into the lives of villagers in pre-partition Bengal as the element of “magical realism” is merely the normality of the natives. In crafting this tale, Elias has created a form of indigenous magical realism that cosmopolitan greats like Rushdie could never write.

It is easy to dismiss and critique partition and the demand for Pakistan. Elias, who was staunchly critical of both, seeks to understand its appeal. The protagonist of the novel, Tamiz, is initially uninterested and indifferent towards the demand of Pakistan. As the story progresses, we come across the complex intersection of caste and class among both Hindus and Muslims.

The compounder Prashanto refuses to consume anything at the house of the Muslim League member Abdul Kader for fear of losing caste. Similarly, the marriage between the oil presser Goffur and a woman belonging to the fisherman’s caste creates outrage and ostracism. Even Boikonthu, a poor servant working for the affluent Mukunda Saha, insists on consuming mango to quench his thirst instead of water at Fakir Cherag Ali’s house. In a society rife with such division, the appeal of a casteless Muslim nation appears obvious. The Muslim League politicians seek to utilise religious unity and promise the dream of abolishing the Zamindari system to the poor peasants. It is this dream which leads Tamiz to become an advocate for Pakistan.

The appropriation of the Tebhaga movement by the Muslim League can be accurately described as an instance of “false consciousness.” That communal unity is steeped in tradition is made clear by the songs of Keramat Ali and the devotion of Boikonthu towards the legend of the Hindu Bhabani Pathak fighting alongside his Pathan general Munshi against the British. The advent of Pakistan sharpens communal divide to an ugly extent. The affluent Hindus like Mukunda Saha leave for India and are merely replaced by affluent Muslim oppressors. All talk of implementing Tebhaga vanishes.

The marginalised and poor Boikonthu, adored and loved by his Muslim counterparts, is brutally murdered shortly after his religious practices are publicly mocked with communal bile in a humiliating manner by the well-off Kalam Majhi. What starts of as a book of dreams becomes a story of broken dreams and cruel tragedy.

Given the complexity and length of the novel, the master translator Prof. Arunava Sinha deserves the highest praise for this impeccable translation. Sinha manages to retain the smells, sights, beauty, ugliness and idiosyncrasies of Bengal for the English reader. Hopefully, Elias will now be given his rightful place among the greatest contemporary writers of not just the subcontinent but of the world at large.

The writer is an author, blogger and a student at Jindal School of International Affairs.

Nearly a year back, I ruminated in a blog post on the hiring fever for tech talent. The trend of techies getting a swarm of job offers at stratospheric salaries stunned me. I wondered when this hiring frenzy would moderate. Over the next few months, the hiring momentum got red hot, snowballing into a never-seen-before talent war. People started quitting jobs in droves, leading to a phenomenon called ‘The Great Resignation’. The focus for most tech entities then, big or small, was on talent retention.

Cut to the end of June 2022, and the tables had turned. The scene in tech hiring now is the antithesis of what we experienced a year back. Global big tech companies are either laying off workers or going slow on the hiring pedal. Who could have anticipated a year back that Microsoft would shed one per cent of its total workforce pool of 180,000? Or Netflix laying off 300 employees – 4 per cent of its workforce strength. Meta has announced scaling back hiring of engineers by 30 per cent this year. Its CEO Mark Zuckerberg feels the world may be heading towards one of the worst downturns in recent history.

The concerns are not cooked up. Raging inflationary pressures, global headwinds and geopolitical stability stemming from Russia’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine have sent shivers down the spine of tech giants. Consumer Price Inflation (CPI) in the US reached 9.1 per cent in June; it’s the highest in 40 years. The inflation crisis in the Euro Zone is no less unnerving. Big Tech companies are wary of an impending recession and have fastened their frugal belts. There’s talk that tech companies might need to borrow to sustain their high growth trajectory. But that option isn’t feasible as interest rates are moving north. The piecemeal remedy is to contain costs. Tech companies are doing it with layoffs. Structural adjustments and resource alignments are euphemisms for cost-cutting.

For Google, ‘scarcity breeds clarity’ as the search engine behemoth plans to slow the pace of hiring for the rest of the year. Indian IT companies have seen the domino effect. Employee wage bills soared as firms paid through the nose to onboard the best talent. In India, the IT sector alone accounts for nearly 54 per cent of the total employee cost. IT companies are facing a stern challenge – how to manage talent amid shrinking margins. The strain on their finances shows up in their subdued hiring in the June quarter. 2021 was an astounding year for new hires. 2022 is muted to start with.

Top IT service providers like Accenture, TCS, and HCL Technologies sharply reduced hiring in the June quarter. During April-June, Accenture hired 12,000 – only 30 per cent of the 40,000 recruited in the year-ago period. TCS hired 14,136 people, down from the average quarterly hiring of 26,000 in the last fiscal. It’s unclear if the IT companies will accelerate hiring in the subsequent quarters. But the pressure is palpable. The US and the EU, the two biggest markets for IT vendors, are in the grip of runaway inflation. Clients in these geographies are already dreading a recession. IT companies are in a wait-and-see mode on new recruits. For start-ups, the party is losing its lustre. Their funding winter has begun sooner than anticipated. The heady days of dangling ESOPs and 50-60 per cent pay hikes to recruits are passé. Start-ups realise they need to carry on with leaner budgets. And they are now diving into the pool of retrenched employees to get new hires.

The signs are evident. The job market for techies has mellowed. The Great Resignation is petering out gradually. IT ecosystem now needs to revert to the basics with a dash of out-of-the-box thinking. The best bet is on upskilling and reskilling your workforce to meet on-demand skills – this will help prune 20-30 per cent costs compared to hiring from the open market. It also makes your STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering & Mathematics) talent more productive. Companies like TCS and HCL have introduced a skill-based curriculum for engineering students to burnish their skills. Adopting a ‘glocal’ strategy helps too. Thinking global while hiring local can scale down costs without a dent in productivity. Borderless hiring with co-working spaces is the latest toolkit to combat the talent war without burning much on cash. Local talent also reinforces a company’s footprint and establishes a direct interface with the clients in the enterprise or government domains.

The gulf between demand and supply of digital talent still exists. The positive takeaway is that the wave of The Great Resignation is subsiding. It will help the tech companies to have business continuity without fretting about costs. The bigger worry now is to sail through the wave of another dreaded recession. Indian tech firms, though, are in a better position to weather the recession storm as they have made massive investments in digital transformation in a post-pandemic world. Everyone may face the same storm, but not everyone is in the same boat.

The writer is Founder & CEO, CSM Technologies. Views are personal.

The election of Droupadi Murmu ji as the President of India is historic for Indian democracy. Her remarkable journey from Odisha’s extremely poor tribal background, that too from the most backward Santhali community, to the highest constitutional position is marked by her struggles, grit and determination. Her elevation as ‘First Citizen’ is the matter of great joy and contentment from the entire country, more so for the tribal community. The nation had to wait for 70 long years to see a tribal woman reaching the highest office of the land. It marks yet another victory for our democracy and our Constitution.

India’s tribal population comprises 9% of our demography. Their struggles and sacrifices in our freedom struggle are invaluable and unforgettable. But the sad truth is that post-Independence no government took concrete steps for the development and upliftment of our tribal communities. No efforts were made to bring them to the national mainstream by ensuring their social and economic growth, while they also remained devoid of proper political representation.

It was under the leadership of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee that the first serious steps were taken to fulfil the aspirations of our tribal society. In 1999 Atal ji created a separate Ministry of Tribal Affairs for empowerment and development of our tribal society which was followed by the formation of the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes through 89th Constitutional Amendment in 2003. The transformation of our tribal communities started by Atal Bihari Vajpayee has been taken forward by PM Shri Narendra Modi.

Guided by its oath of ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas and Sabka Prayas’, the Narendra Modi government has taken umpteen initiatives to fulfil the aspirations and hopes of the tribal population. In the past eight years, there has been a massive increase in budget allocation for projects linked to welfare and progress of tribal communities. The budget for Tribal Sub-Plan has been increased four-fold in 2021-22, from Rs 21,000 crores to Rs 86,000 crores.

Today piped water is now being supplied to 1.28 crore tribal homes under the Jal Jeevan Mission, 38 lakh houses under the Pradhanmantri Awas Yojna and 1.45 crore toilets have been constructed while 82 lakh Ayushman Bharat health cards have been distributed to tribal people. Similarly, the budget of Eklavya Model Schools specially developed for tribal students has been increased from Rs 278 crores to Rs 1,418 crores, while fund allocation for scholarships for tribal students has also been hiked from Rs 978 crores to Rs 2,546 crores. As part of entrepreneurship development initiative, 3,110 Van Dhan Vikas Kendras and 53,000 Van Dhan self-help groups have been established with an expenditure of Rs 327 crores.

Our tribal areas are most-affected by mining activities, but the financial gains from these mining activities were never shared with our tribal population. To address this lacuna, the Narendra Modi government created a District Mineral Fund so that 30% earnings from the mining activities could be spent in the development of tribal areas. So far Rs 57,000 crore has been accumulated and being used in various development works. Similarly, the number of Tribes India outlets, run by TRIFED which takes care of the marketing and sale of products made by our tribal communities, has been increased from 29 to 116.

PM Shri Narendra Modi has also brought rich tribal culture and heritage to the national limelight. Tribal arts, literature, traditional knowledge and skills have been included in various curricula. As part of ‘Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav’, a nationwide series of programmes are being organised to highlight the contributions of our great tribal leaders in our freedom struggle.

The nation now celebrates the birth anniversary of Bhagwan Birsa Munda, which falls on November 15, as Janjatiya Gaurav Diwas. The Narendra Modi government is developing Tribal Freedom Fighter Museums across the country with an expenditure of Rs 200 crores. In his speeches PM Shri Narendra Modi remembers our great tribal leaders and highlights their contributions to inspire today’s generation. All this underlines how the Narendra Modi government is tirelessly working for the honour and empowerment of our tribal society.

From Kashmir to the Northeast, a large chunk of our tribal population dominates our rural landscape in Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Rajasthan and Gujarat. Post-Independence the Congress party exploited them as its vote-bank and ignored the tribal-dominated Northeast. It was PM Shri Narendra Modi who immediately after taking over as the Prime Minister began the transformation of our tribal areas at the right earnest. To kickstart the growth and development of the tribal-dominated Northeast, he formulated the Act East Policy. In the past eight years our North-eastern states have been successfully integrated into the national mainstream to become partners in growth and progress.

For decades poverty and social insecurity has been the biggest challenge for our tribal communities. This fear and uncertainty was tapped by the Left extremism in some states which led to tribal youth getting radicalised. This resulted in total disruption of growth and development in some of our tribal areas. The Narendra Modi government’s ‘zero tolerance’ policy towards terrorism has led to near complete elimination of Naxalism. Today violence and unrest in our tribal areas has been replaced by development and peace.

The socio-economic development and empowerment of our tribal society, their political representation has always been an integral part of the BJP’s philosophy. And, today under the leadership of PM Shri Narendra Modi India has chosen Droupadi Murmu as its first tribal woman President. It is also the shining example of PM Shri Narendra Modi’s resolute commitment towards empowerment of our tribal society.

The writer is Union Home Minister.

According to a recent report of the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, the proportion of unmarried youths is on the rise in the country with Jammu and Kashmir topping the list. Its findings say, “The percentage share of the youth population (15-29 years) who are ‘never married’ has shown an increasing trend in the male population from 20.8 per cent in 2011 to 26.1 per cent in 2019 and a similar trend has been observed in the case of the female population.”

Another government report which was published in 2019 states that Jammu & Kashmir (29.1%), Punjab (25%), Uttar Pradesh (26.7%) and Delhi (26.5%) record the highest share of youngsters not getting married. On the other hand, the same report reveals that Kerala (18.3%), Himachal Pradesh (20.8%) and Tamil Nadu (20.2%) and Andhra Pradesh (20.7%) have the lowest percentage share. In the case of adolescent women within the age bracket of 15-19 years; 11.9 per cent have been married (by the age of 15) during 2005-06. And this was only 1.7 per cent in 2019-21.

Apparently, the age bar at the marriage seems to have increased over the passage of time. It is noteworthy to mention that, “a significant reduction has been observed in the level of age at first marriage for women in the 25-29 years age cohort as only 52.8 per cent of women have been first married by the age of 20 years during 2019-2021 as compared to 72.4 per cent in 2005-06.” “Males in the age bracket of 25-29 were first getting married at the 25 years of age during the year 2019-21.”

The recent survey report has not detailed any factor(s) to understand the burgeoning percentage of unmarried youth but the government officials have attributed this to “lifestyle and influence of celebrities.” However, it has been found out from the survey that the cases of child marriages are getting reduced over the years. The population pyramid also will undergo a change due to the declining fertility rates and increasing life expectancy.

The youth under 15 years are presumably going to decline and the responsibility of the country is going to increase towards aged people, the report further stated.

The following reasons can be taken into consideration to understand the increasing proportion of ‘unmarried youth’ in our country.

First and foremost could be economic instability which is haunting most of the youth. And this specific issue got more aggravated because of the pandemic. Those with less than `10,000 monthly income are completely unwilling to get married. In the case of affluent households, only 20 per cent of people are reluctant for marriage, according to a survey done in 2020 (Mar-April).

Marital preference comes in the second position. In the era of online dating and social networking platforms the frustration felt at not being able to find a match can be daunting. Fritzi-Marie Titzmann, in her book ‘Changing Patterns Of Matchmaking In India’ has also mentioned that “the upcoming matrimonial media allows youth a much wider range of choices now.”

In the Indian context, how can we ignore the significant role of caste and class? Among youth those who are willing to get married want a life partner from a similar income background, class, status and educational bracket.
Then comes the “shift in the attitude” on the significance of marriage. The youth with higher education don’t aspire to get married early. These days becoming a single father/mother is a luxury.

People consider this lifestyle as woke and modern. The best of the best couples committed for years together are thinking of getting separated in no time. And this might be connected with the issues pertaining to emotional and physical compatibility.

In considering or choosing a life partner a higher percentage of young men give primacy to looks and education. On the other hand, young women prefer men who are handsomely paid. Hence most of the couples get entangled within the circle of expectation and reality and at the end it paves the way for nothing productive. To conclude, the 21st century generation easily defines what should be the ‘marriageable age’ for them. As of now our country still continues to be very young. And the way the young choose to marry or build families will have a far reaching impact on tomorrow’s economy.

The writer is Assistant Professor, University of Delhi. Views are personal.

All policies of all governments anywhere in the world require periodic review and evaluation. Foreign policy, in particular, needs regular review and re-evaluation in the context of ever-changing, dynamics in the external environment of any country. In this piece, we attempt to briefly examine the capacities and the constraints of India’s foreign policy. This has been necessitated by two strategies currently pursued by the present regime. They could be contradictory and complementary at the same time. They also draw the lineage from the previous regimes.

The strategies in reference are strategic autonomy and multi-alignment. India’s approach to and understanding of the concept of strategic autonomy is captured in External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s presentation in the Raisina Dialogues (2021). He explained, “We have to be confident in who we are. It is better to engage with the world as to who we are rather than pleasing the world by being a pale imitation of what they are, the idea that we need to get approval from other quarters has to be put behind.”

As said before, this is not an entirely new concept. But the government supporters will contend that the country was done with the Congress style of limiting its strategic moves, for fear of attracting Western displeasure or disapproval. Today, India is confident enough to secure her aims and interests without worrying too much about what others thought.

On the second strategy, in this dynamic world of multiple and changing alliances, India’s strategy of making partnership is articulated by Jaishankar in his book, The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World (2020). He argues that India should spread its risks and not place all its eggs in one basket. The essence of Jaishankar’s argument is that with the changing global balance of power and faced with major security and economic challenges, India would have to advance its national interests by identifying and exploiting opportunities wherever they exist in the global community.

Yet, the third strategy, or rather an aspiration is, India becoming a great power. This is self-consciously expressed at times by top leadership and is endorsed or encouraged by world leaders. Citing some statements, PM Modi immediately after taking over the office in 2014 expressed his government’s intention as, “India taking a leading role” in global affairs.

Unarguably, India is being recognised as a rising power. Jim O’ Neill, the former head of Goldman Sachs, famously coined the term BRICS to refer to four rising powers – Brazil, Russia, India and China. India could well become a permanent member of the UNSC. Every major power has endorsed India’s candidature for this position alongside the current P-5. India’s trajectory towards becoming a big power consists of the following capacities: India’s GDP in nominal terms is about 2.7 trillion USD, making it the sixth biggest economy in the world. There are some projections that suggest in purchasing power parity terms, India could be the second largest economy after China by 2050. If India achieves the 5 trillion USD target in near future, it could jump to third position in economic capacity.

India’s military consists of 1.5 million active personnel, the third largest after China and the US. India is a major nuclear power with 130-140 nuclear weapons which can be placed on a range of delivery systems including Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles.

The question to ask is, does India have the capacity commensurate with its rising power aspirations and to maintain the two strategies mentioned above. From the economy and military potential, the aspiration sounds credible. But on a reality check, it is a tall order especially when India is compared and faced with China. Curiously, the constraints lie in actualising the capacities.

Let us talk a bit about the structural capacity of Indian foreign policy in carrying out the strategies and the big-power objective. A detailed discussion, a ‘grand capacity analysis’ is beyond the scope of this piece. The limited objective is to briefly and critically look at the foreign policy capacity from a structural point of view. Former Foreign Secretary and the National Security Advisor, Shivshankar Menon had said, “India has serious capacity issues in the implementation of foreign policy and lacks the institutional depth to see a policy through.”
Studies done to assess India’s foreign policy capacity suggest that the MEA has strengths in terms of individual level competences of its officers, but suffers from organisational and systemic weaknesses. The experts helpfully comment that these weaknesses can be alleviated by reducing the hierarchal nature of the leadership in South Block, decreasing the centralisation of decision-making, enlarging the power of the policy-planning unit by seeking support from outside the MEA. Furthermore, the MEA needs to develop stronger and more active ties to other ministries, especially the Economic Affairs, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and above all, the Defence Ministry.

More importantly, the MEA should not remain an exclusive and elite club. It needs to improve communication with the other two sectors, business and civil society– both at home and abroad. Thus, the increase in such horizontal consultation would diminish the centralised decision making and hierarchical nature of the MEA.
Another pressing reform suggested by experts is to increase the recruitment to the MEA. Through the IFS, only about 30 or so are offered the service out of half-a-million candidates applying for examination. This is far too less. The suggestion is to recruit on the model of the private sector, like many developed countries do, from the top under-graduate and graduate programme through a rigorous process of interviews and group discussion. Understandably, while many small or big reforms are needed, what is pressing at any time is the need to increase policy capacity. This is not necessarily based on numbers. It is about competencies at least three levels – individual officials, government organisations and the resources existing in the country. The gap between conceptualisation of policy and its implementation can be bridged by increasing the organisational and systemic capacities in order to absorb and reflect the individual competences existing in the ministry.

In parenthesis, may we add that India’s democracy and demography should drive India’s foreign policy in making strategic alliances, be it multi-alignment or with single power bloc. This is the choice India has to make. Taiwan would have been invaded by now if it was not aligned with the United States. No NATO member has been attacked so far. This should give some indication, as normalcy has not been restored with China on border despite 17 rounds of negotiations. Something to think about!

The writer is Professor, International Politics, JIMMC. ©INFA

Every month or so, my teenaged daughter, Divya, screams for my help while she’s in her bedroom or bathroom. “Come quickly!” she yells, and I know exactly what I need to do: grab a weapon.
This weapon is usually a fly swatter, broom or rolled-up magazine – anything to take care of an uninvited guest. It could be a centipede, spider, ant or other insect.

I don’t mind being the resident exterminator, but I can’t help wondering what my daughter will do when she’s all grown up and living by herself. Will she call the emergency number?
That’s what a woman in the UK did recently. She called the British emergency number, 999, after encountering a spider in her home.

“Hiya, you’re probably gonna go mad at me right but I’ve literally tried ringing everyone and you’re my last hope,” the woman said, according to a recording of the call released by the West Yorkshire Police. “I need someone to come and get this spider out of my house. It’s absolutely massive and I’m not even joking!”
Unfortunately the call operator told the woman that there are some intruders that the police are not keen on arresting. In fact, the West Yorkshire Police used the woman’s call as an example of the frivolous calls that are made to the emergency number, calls that don’t qualify as life-or-death emergencies.
But while many people ripped the woman for calling the emergency line, I’m sympathetic with her for two reasons:

(1) Many people suffer from arachnophobia – fear of spiders and other arachnids. I don’t like spiders myself. While some people have pet spiders and allow them to crawl on their arms, I make it a point to stay away from
such people.

(2) Some spiders are truly dangerous. If you are bitten by a widow spider or recluse spider, for example, you’ll want to seek medical attention as soon as you are done screaming.

You: “Help! I’ve been bitten by a widow.”

Operator: “A widow? Are you sure?”

You: “I’m pretty sure, but maybe it’s a recluse – or even a reclusive widow. Is there such a thing?”

Operator: “Yes, my mother-in-law is a reclusive widow. She never leaves her home.”
If you’re skeptical about spider bites, just ask Jo Kenyon, a radio producer in West Yorkshire. The 34-year-old woman shared her experience with the Daily Mail last November, describing how she was hospitalised three times in one week and needed months to fully recover. It all began when she felt a strange burning sensation while using the toilet. She jumped up and looked under the seat, where she spotted a huge spider.

“I screamed instantly at the sight, managed to knock it into the bowl and flushed it straight away,” she told the Daily Mail. “It was so huge, it was a real big bugger! It completely freaked me out.”
When the bite marks started stinging, she decided to call the British non-emergency
number, 111.

“The doctors said that if I hadn’t come in straight away, then the bite could have led to sepsis and possibly killed me,” she said.

Kenyon has some advice that we all might want to heed: “I’d just tell everyone to always check under the toilet seat — you never know what could be hiding there!”

Yes, you never know. That’s why it’s important to have a special phone helpline. Many countries have helplines for specific concerns, including domestic abuse, suicide prevention and missing children. It might be time to introduce a “scary creature helpline.” There are so many creatures, not just spiders, that cause people to scream for help. These include snakes, lizards, rats and even alligators. My daughter might one day be truly grateful to have a number to call.

Divya: “Please send help. There’s a scary spider on my
bedroom wall.”

Operator: “I’ll send the insect squad right away. Can you tell me your exact location?”
Divya: “I’m under the bed right now.”

Drivers all over the world are unhappy about rising fuel prices. Some have found interesting ways to protest the prices, but none more uniquely than Subhranshu Samal did at his recent wedding in Bhubaneswar.

As widely reported, the 47-year-old grocery shop owner rode a bicycle to the wedding venue, while wearing an elegant sherwani, headdress and garland. No cars or loud DJs were part of the wedding procession, which gained plenty of attention from passersby, because it’s not every day that you see a groom dashing on a bicycle. I mean, a dashing groom on a bicycle.

Samal told The Telegraph that he didn’t just want to protest fuel prices, but also promote environmentally friendly modes of transportation.

“By going on a bicycle, I have also been able to send a message about the need to maintain a good environment and good physique by avoiding to travel in cars and other motorable vehicles,” he said. “My wife Sipra was also happy with my decision.”

Yes, you’ve got to make Sipra happy. As the old saying goes, “Happy wife, happy life.” In this case, it might be: “Happy ride, happy bride.”

It’s worth noting that other Indian grooms have promoted bicycle transportation at their weddings. Last November, Dinesh Sale, a member of a cycling group in Hyderabad called Happy Hyderabad, biked to his wedding, accompanied by friends on their cycles. After the wedding, he and his bride rode away on a tandem bicycle adorned with balloons and a “Just Married” sign.

“We don’t have to always opt for a car to make an entry at the wedding,” Sale told Telangana Today. “With this, I wanted to encourage people towards cycling and overall well-being and good health.”

Two years earlier, in November 2019, Gurbakhshish Singh Gaggi rode a bicycle to his wedding in Bathinda, Punjab, and rode away with Ramandeep Kaur seated on the crossbar. Gaggi was also making a statement, but not about petrol prices or good health. He was showing his disapproval for expensive weddings and dowry (which he refused to accept).

Men like these should be applauded because they’re willing to go against social norms. They’re willing to stand up for their beliefs, even if it means potentially displeasing their in-laws. Just picture three middle-aged men, Ram, Ashok and Salil, talking about each of their daughters’ recent weddings.

Ram: “My son-in-law arrived at the wedding venue in a Mercedes S-Class.”

Ashok: “Is that so? Well, my son-in-law came to the wedding in a Porsche Panamera. What about yours, Salil?”

Salil: “He is a hero. I mean, he used a Hero.”

Ashok: “Hero makes cars now?”

Salil: “No, it was a bicycle. A statement bicycle.”

Ram: “Statement bicycle?”

Salil: “Yes, he was making a statement. He was saying that petrol prices are too high, and because of that, he prefers to ride his bicycle and leave his Lamborghini in his garage.” Riding a bicycle isn’t always practical, but it’s a great way to get exercise, reduce your carbon footprint and ensure that you don’t empty your bank account at the petrol station.

My wife, Malathi, often rides her bicycle to work. We made a decision, when we bought our house, to be close enough to her office that she didn’t need to rely on a car. (Unfortunately we couldn’t find a home that would enable her ride to be downhill both ways.)

If you can’t find a house or apartment near your workplace, it’s wise to be near a bus stop or train station. Using public transportation helps keep fuel prices from affecting us much. There are many reasons why prices keep rising, and we really can’t do much about them, except change our habits.

If you’re a bachelor who’s planning to get married soon, please consider riding a bicycle to your wedding. Subhranshu and Dinesh will be pleased, and Gurbakhshish might be too, especially if you’re giving up the car as well as dowry.

India is accelerating fast on the highway of the digital economy and currently boasts of a superior ecosystem which has encouraged a thousand innovations across the spectrum. We have already hit a century when it comes to unicorns in startups with a total valuation of $332.7 billion. It is now said that one out of every 10 unicorns globally has been born here.

In this backdrop it comes as no surprise if digital lending is also attracting the attention of both banks and policymakers. While we celebrate our success in the field of IT, the bedrock of a country’s success lies if the fruits of development reach out to the last person.

The government’s initiative to set up 75 Digital Banking Units (DBUs) in as many districts is indeed a major step to bring more people into the fold of the modern economy. Even today, 65 per cent of our country’s populace live in rural areas. There are as many as 6,40,000 villages in our country and a sizable population of these villages is still out of ambit of formal credit for various reasons. We have some 53,000-odd bank branches in villages. So on an average one bank branch is serving some 12 villages. But this is not uniform. In some states and in underdeveloped areas one bank branch is serving 20 or even more villages.

Across most states, and especially in eastern India — Bengal, Bihar and Odisha — the share of the number of accounts held by small and marginal farmers is disproportionately low when compared to their actual numbers. This again does not include landless farmers, oral lessees and sharecroppers. Most people in rural areas are still not comfortable visiting a bank branch and use the help of agents/middlemen. But they have comfort with a friendly branch manager of a bank who can understand their language and requirements. These new 75 DBUs will play a major part in breaking those barriers and make customers ‘aatmanirbhar’ to handle their banking needs and seek more services from their lenders. This initiative has the potential to break the chain where a lot of people in rural India continue to be largely dependent on informal sources of credit.

The focus of DBUs will be on educating customers and engaging prospective customers on a digital journey. Emphasis will also be on cyber security awareness and safeguards. A customer redressal mechanism will also be put in place to redress the grievances of customers of the command area. This indeed is a bold move to facilitate digitisation in rural areas. There are 775 districts in the country and this experiment which is being carried out in some 10 per cent of districts can be extended to more districts in future.

Bringing the postal offices, which is another budget announcement, under core banking solution will go a long way in enhancing the reach of rural populace to formal banking and formal credit network. The existing 53,000 bank branches and let us say another one lakh postal bank branches in rural areas will bring down the number of villages per bank branch from existing 12 to maybe 4/5. The business correspondents can continue to play their ‘Bank Mitra’ roles side by side. The transfer payment story has been quite a success from a modest beginning in 2016 to now when NPCI aims at 1 billion transactions a day in the next 3-5 years. In a similar fashion these DBUs can usher in the next generation reforms in India’s banking sector.

The writer is a senior advisor with the Indian Banks’ Association. Views are personal.

The challenge in our agricultural landscape has seen a marked shift. From who is a farmer in India to how we collate the data on every farmer in India. Now, governments are beset with an even bigger challenge of profiling farmers in India. Or creating a seamless, unified farmers’ database. The Indian government has big stakes in this integrated farmers’ repository. Imbued with the vision for an India Digital Ecosystem for Agriculture (IDEA), the government is thinking aloud and building the national farmers’ database with great fervour. I hail it as a laudable initiative, promising to energise our digital farm economy and prepare our farmers for Agriculture 4.0. In the same vein, I’m a trifle concerned, if not sceptical, about how we are sourcing data.

India plans to create a massive database for some 150 million farmers. The database will connect crucial data points – the number of occupational farmers, how much land they own and where, what they grow, and which agro-climatic zones they fall in. This database can bring in benefits galore for the entire agriculture value chain.
Agribusinesses can use the hi-tech database to gain unparalleled insights into the rural economy and even specific land parcels, allowing them to create tailored products for farmers. The government has signed contracts with CISCO, Ninjacart, Jio Platforms Limited, ITC Limited and NCDEX e-Markets Limited to develop the database.
The digital repository will aid precise targeting of subsidies, services and policies, help raise farmers’ income and digitally connect the growers with agri-insurance companies, supermarkets, seed suppliers, agri-tech companies. Also, the platform can be used by lending institutions to determine a farmer’s creditworthiness.

It makes ample sense to harness data to revamp the culture of agriculture. According to a recent EY report, India’s farm economy is projected to grow to $24 billion by 2025, fuelled by agri-tech adoption. The national farmers’ database, an effort towards building the IDEA, is extracting data from PM-KISAN, Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY) and the soil health cards. But how credible is the data pool?

The absence of a single version of the truth has created inconveniences for farmers and policymakers alike. Farmers lack a mechanism to figure out their eligibility for different schemes. Owing to this, they need to provide the same set of information each time for multiple schemes. That apart, the burden is on the farmer to validate his identity every time while applying for each scheme. For officials, identifying the right beneficiaries gets cumbersome when there is a lack of consolidated farmer data. Moreover, data entry issues at the ground level lead to scheme delivery delays.

Overcoming legacy problems in the farm-to-fork chain needs a golden records database with an immersive 3600 profiling of a farmer’s demographics. A digital solution that aggregates information with the farmer as the premise and not his family. This system can have more efficacy than the normative land records databases and farm registries with 100 per cent Aadhaar seeding and authenticated bank details of the farmers. A consummate database populated with details of all categories of farmers – cultivators and sharecroppers, landless labourers, livestock and fishery farmers and forestry farmers. Such a system can also be seamlessly integrated with external databases like Procurement Automation System, Aadhaar, land records, seed supply, fertilizer management, soil health card and schemes like PMFBY. The system can capture multiple data points of farmers like demographics, occupation, crop and generate a unique application id for each. And an outcome-driven Decision Support System embedded into the solution can serve as a lodestar for policymakers.

Government officials can leverage the digital system to identify beneficiaries, detect anomalies, policy formulation and budgeting, farming advisory service deliveries and impact assessment of schemes. It can make the Minimum Support Price regime more effective and transparent with better mapping of genuine beneficiaries. At the same time the banks and insurance companies can use the data while approving any farm loan. Farmers’ datasets can be leveraged to incentivise them and move away many from the rice-wheat monoculture to high-value agriculture.

Creating a golden records database of farmers is like building the core of IDEA.

The writer is Founder & CEO, CSM Technologies. Views are personal.